Jabotinsky vs. Putin: How the Zionist Leader Refuted Putin's Anti-Ukrainian Falsifications More Than 100 Years Ago

Jabotinsky Day, the national day of remembrance dedicated to the life and legacy of Ze'ev Jabotinsky. On this day, Israel honors Jabotinsky’s achievements and his contribution to the Zionist dream of restoring the Jewish state.
In Israel, the 29th day of the month of Tammuz, the day of his death, has been declared Jabotinsky Day. In 2025, it falls on the evening of Thursday, July 24, 2025 – Friday, July 25, 2025.
Jabotinsky’s advocacy laid the foundation for the modern State of Israel, and his vision continues to shape Jewish identity to this day.

Why This Day Matters for Israel and Ukraine

Jabotinsky vs. Putin: How a Zionist leader disproved Putin's anti-Ukrainian fabrications more than 100 years ago
The 29th of Tammuz is a special day in the Jewish calendar, when speeches are heard across the country, memorial candles are lit, and Ze’ev Jabotinsky’s legacy is discussed. People far from politics might wonder: why even remember this man?
But look closer — and you’ll immediately realize: thanks to people like Jabotinsky, we have Israel as we know it. His ideas about national dignity, self-respect, and respect for others still resonate not only for Jews, but for everyone fighting for the right to be themselves.
Interestingly, this day often becomes a reason for personal memories. The older generation recalls how families used to argue about Jabotinsky’s views, while young people, reading his biography, are surprised: it turns out he supported Ukrainians even in the early 20th century, when it was neither popular nor safe.
Odessa Roots and Political Instinct: The Beginning of the Journey
Born in Odessa, a city where Jewish, Ukrainian, Greek, Russian, and Armenian destinies mixed in a unique way, Jabotinsky learned early to listen to and understand other perspectives. His childhood was filled with the ringing of trams and the cries of street vendors in different languages, in courtyards where boys would sometimes fight, sometimes become friends. Maybe that’s why he became a committed opponent of any kind of national hatred.
When, in 1907, Jabotinsky ran for the Russian Empire’s parliament from the Volyn province, he had to build bridges between Jewish and Ukrainian voter groups from scratch. Back then, this seemed like an impossible task: distrust, stereotypes, pressure from the authorities… Yet even after losing, he was not disappointed — instead, he began to speak publicly that only together can minorities break the imperial machine of oppression.
Friends and contemporaries recalled that after this defeat, Jabotinsky became much closer to Ukrainian intellectuals. He read Ukrainian poetry, was interested in folk songs, even tried to understand dialects. For him, Ukrainians were never “younger brothers” — he saw them as equal partners.
Putin vs. Common Sense: Why Deny Ukraine?
Why does the Kremlin so fear Ukrainian identity? You can search for explanations for a long time, but essentially, it boils down to this: acknowledging the existence of Ukraine makes imperial claims meaningless. Putin’s 2021 article and his ongoing rhetoric are an attempt to impose the “same old song”: Ukrainians supposedly invented by the Bolsheviks, there is no nation, and anyone who disagrees is an enemy.
But as early as 1911, Jabotinsky publicly stated: “Ukrainians are a people, a separate nation, and that’s the only way to view them.” He didn’t just say this at rallies — but in articles for different audiences, in Russian, Yiddish, and Ukrainian.
Jabotinsky understood Ukrainian and could get by in conversation, but he was not a native speaker and did not speak publicly in Ukrainian. He was fluent in Russian, Hebrew, Yiddish, Italian, French, and several other languages. He learned Ukrainian through practical communication and interest in culture, but did not use it as a language for political speeches or articles.
- Contemporaries noted that he “could support a conversation in different Ukrainian dialects,” understood linguistic features, but did not write or publish materials in Ukrainian.
- Most of his texts on Ukrainian topics were written in Russian or Hebrew, sometimes in Yiddish.
Friends recalled that Jabotinsky easily found common ground with Ukrainians — sometimes even using Ukrainian words or phrases in conversation to win over his interlocutor.
This debate with imperial thinking was personal — he could not accept the idea of “dissolving” people in a faceless mass.
Let’s remember, Jabotinsky loved genuine public debates — and was not afraid of tough topics. He argued with intellectuals like Pyotr Struve, passionately insisting that every people has its own path, and no one has the right to turn diversity into a monotonous imperial “porridge.” In life, he could easily argue in the street, in an editorial office, or even at a banquet — if it was about people’s right to be themselves.
Quotes That Cannot Be Forgotten
Jabotinsky was no armchair theorist. His writings are always full of life and directness. Here are a few of his thoughts that still resonate today:
- “Behind these cities (Ukraine) rolls a continuous, almost thirty-million-strong Ukrainian sea…” An ordinary trip from Odessa to Kharkiv or Poltava was not just a route for him, but a real study: where “khokhly” live, where “katsapy,” why they don’t mix, and what is the secret of Ukrainian distinctiveness.
- “Shevchenko… is a vivid symptom of the national and cultural vitality of Ukrainianism…” He studied the poet’s biography, read his poems in the original language, could spend hours explaining to friends why Shevchenko is not just a writer, but a symbol of the nation.
- “Ukrainian parties recognize the right of Jews to national culture…” For Jabotinsky this was a matter of principle. He knew Ukrainian intellectuals, communicated with socialists, debated with radicals — but always noted: a real Ukrainian patriot will not demand that a Jew abandon his language or traditions.
- “I know well this type of Ukrainian nationalist-intellectual…” This is not just a friendly recognition, but also a subtle rebuke to those who try to portray Ukrainians as enemies of Jews — Jabotinsky’s real experience fully refutes such myths.
Political Father of Likud: Why This Line Remains Unbroken
Few people remember that Jabotinsky was not only an ideologist, but also a practical leader of the Zionist movement, leaving a mark not only in Israel, but in the fate of real families. Benzion Netanyahu, the father of the current Prime Minister of Israel, in his youth was the assistant to Jabotinsky’s personal secretary. He absorbed these views and passed them on to his son. At political meetings in Israel, people still recall how Benzion could quote Jabotinsky from memory — in arguments with opponents and even in daily conversations.
Many Likud leaders consider Jabotinsky their teacher, and his ideas the standard of true political courage. Even those who did not always agree with him admitted: this was a man who was not afraid to go against the tide. Hence, the question for the current leadership of Israel: will they have the courage to look at Ukraine through his eyes, and not through the prism of temporary interests or pressure from powerful states?
One can imagine a hypothetical conversation between Jabotinsky and today’s politicians:
— Are you sure that true strength is in denial, not in acknowledging the truth?
— Why not recall old lessons and build alliances with those who follow their own path, not copy someone else’s history?
The memory of Jabotinsky is also an internal challenge for every Israeli.
When Myths Are More Dangerous Than Rockets: Why the Kremlin Fights the Past
How many times in recent years have Ukrainians heard from Kremlin propagandists: “You don’t exist,” “Your history is fiction,” “Your language is artificial”? But if you believe this, it turns out that peoples can be “canceled” by a simple decree, and borders — erased from the map. That’s why Kremlin propaganda is so obsessed with history: don’t recognize Ukraine — and any crime becomes justified.
Jabotinsky understood this mechanism perfectly. He traveled a lot around Ukraine, talked to ordinary people, observed how villages lived where, on one side of the river — Ukrainians, on the other — Russians. No one mixes, no one forgets their customs. It’s such details that give a real understanding of the national question, which cannot be seen from a Moscow office.
No wonder his texts have so many vivid ethnographic descriptions: costumes, wedding traditions, kitchen conversations, even household anecdotes. History, according to Jabotinsky, is not just dates and wars, but, first of all, people, their speech, their habits, and their ability to support each other in difficult times.
What the Memory of Jabotinsky Teaches Us Today
Today, the memory of Jabotinsky is not only a state ceremony but also a conversation in every family that remembers that freedom is never final. In Israel, people often recall how he gathered all sorts of people around him, argued passionately, but always remained open to dialogue. His lesson is simple: “True self-respect begins with respect for others.”
His life is an example of how you can be a Jew, a Ukrainian, a European — and not lose your essence. He dreamed of a state where everyone has a place, where languages are not forbidden but preserved, where history is not a reason for war, but for seeking understanding.
In these days, when people once again discuss who is with whom and against whom, it’s worth recalling that a hundred years ago there was someone who could say what others were afraid to even think. Maybe now his experience is more important than ever.
Main conclusions for those who want to see beyond the headlines
The memory of Jabotinsky is a challenge for every generation: if you’ve forgotten why rights and freedoms are needed, read his texts, talk to those who still remember his lessons. History is always on the side of those who are not afraid to be honest — with themselves and with others. https://nikk.agency/en/jabotinsky-vs-putin/